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Reincarnated as Nikolai II

Chapter 293: Chess of Giants (1)
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Chapter 293: Chess of Giants (1)

In the midst of the New Deal, Roosevelt, unable to intervene in Europe, was left speechless by the rapidly changing political situation.

"Secretary Hull, I come back after just one midterm election, and what on earth has happened to the world?"

"Many things... have happened."

FDR wasn't surprised when the "Small Giant," the 150cm-tall Chancellor Dollfuss, was killed by Nazi assassination.

With the Nazi Führer killing so many during the so-called Night of the Long Knives even within Germany, it would have been difficult for Austria, almost like a domestic extension, to escape his reach.

Similarly, he understood when Mussolini, who had been poised to spread fascism worldwide like communism, yielded to the Tsar and then signed the Mussolini-Laval Accord (1935) with France.

France's new Foreign Minister Laval needed to befriend Mussolini to block Germany, and Mussolini needed an achievement, so he would have consumed even a useless colony.

But then:

[Just 90 Days Until Rhineland March. Germany Claims It's an Entry for Peace.]

[Japan Simultaneously Abrogates Washington Naval Treaty and London Naval Treaty.]

[Mussolini Declares War on Ethiopia.]

"They're all happening simultaneously? Hull, I hope it's not because I raised the price of gold from $20.67 to $35 per ounce that the world is exploding?"

"...It's unlikely to be due to our country's economic trends, at least."

"Of course not! Is this country influential enough to affect other nations? This country isn't Gatsby; it's Sleeping Beauty. It doesn't even reach that level."

This isn't right. Even if temporarily bound by the neutrality law, there are plenty of ways to circumvent it.

If war breaks out, indirect military intervention would be possible, such as by leasing weapons or warships.

But the world couldn't wait and has become like this.

"Damn it, shouldn't they do things moderately so I can understand?"

And behind all this:

"This old emperor."

Roosevelt could be certain that he was behind it. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, analyzing intelligence reports from his White House desk late into the night, recognized the unmistakable pattern of intervention. The timing, the diplomatic signals, the carefully calculated responses—all bore the hallmarks of the emperor's distinctive strategic signature. His European sources confirmed what Roosevelt had already intuited: the invisible hand of imperial influence was orchestrating events from the shadows.

The Rhineland entry? Even a Führer with a 90% approval rating couldn't do such a thing if he recognized the danger of a two-front war. Hitler's audacious military remilitarization of the Rhineland demilitarized zone in March 1936 represented a calculated gamble that defied conventional strategic wisdom. Despite his overwhelming domestic popularity and the fervent support of the German populace, such a provocative action would have been unthinkable for any leader who truly comprehended the devastating historical lesson of Germany fighting simultaneous eastern and western campaigns. The move revealed either a dangerous strategic blindness or an even more alarming confidence in diplomatic manipulations beyond Germany's borders.

The Führer has essentially announced the abrogation of the Treaty of Versailles. With this brazen military action, Adolf Hitler has effectively declared the death of the post-World War I peace settlement that had constrained Germany since 1919. The carefully constructed international order, built upon the foundation of Versailles and its restrictions on German sovereignty and military capability, now teeters on the brink of collapse. Hitler's public repudiation of these constraints signals not merely a diplomatic shift but a fundamental challenge to the entire European power structure established after the Great War.

The war between Ethiopia and Italy follows the same logic. Mussolini's aggressive colonial campaign against Emperor Haile Selassie's ancient African kingdom demonstrates the identical pattern of opportunistic expansion. The Italian invasion, beginning in October 1935, represents not an isolated colonial adventure but another coordinated blow against the post-war international order. The timing, scale, and diplomatic context of this African conflict reveal its connection to the broader European power realignment currently underway.

Britain is desperately trying to prevent this war, but why would Mussolini stake the nation's survival on this?

The answer is that there's nowhere else to channel his power. Because touching the Balkans would mean fighting Russia.

The Duce fears Russia more than Britain.

And finally, Japan.

"They've abrogated the naval treaty. Yet the Far Eastern Fleet is quiet. Doesn't someone come to mind?"

"...Do you mean former Army Chief of Staff Douglas MacArthur?"

"Yes, he was the first person I thought of when I heard the news."

Army Chief of Staff MacArthur, who pushed back veterans with tanks during the Hoover era.

Though Roosevelt became president because MacArthur pushed back the protesters, the relationship between Roosevelt and MacArthur was strained from the start of his term.

That's because Roosevelt, like any country in crisis, tried to cut military spending first from the national budget.

"I cut 51% of the defense budget. More than half. And MacArthur resigned, filled with anger."

"Didn't you reject his resignation?"

"I did. But today, what Douglas shouted then keeps ringing in my ears. He said that if we lose the next war, dying American boys will curse my name."

The next war.

MacArthur clearly said the next war.

This wasn't the voice of war theorists often seen right after the Great War—those who claim that the Great War didn't end or conclude anything.

Those people just predict the next war because they dislike the direction set by the Democratic Party and Wilson.

But the next war MacArthur spoke of is different.

He has openly claimed that we won't be able to defend the Philippines, specifically targeting it.

"Hull, it seems this 'next war' thing actually has some substance."

It's hard to believe this could happen before even half of his first term has passed.

"Those Japs are sharpening their swords against us."

"Judging from the time after Crown Prince Nikita's visit... there seems to be an agreement, if not an alliance."

"Can we turn back the hearts of these Yellow Monkeys at this point?"

"Even if it's resolved diplomatically, would you believe it?"

"No. I wouldn't."

"That's the situation we've reached. A situation where we can't trust even if treaties are signed."

Is that so? Have we really reached such a situation after I've been digging around with shovels and building some roads with the New Deal?

Nevertheless, Roosevelt felt that this wasn't the worst yet.

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