Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 72: Hungary’s Power Struggle
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Chapter 72: Hungary's Power Struggle

The military operations have not yet begun, but under the political and economic pressures, the newly formed Hungarian Republic has already found itself in a predicament.

The republican government helplessly watched as regions such as Croatia, Transylvania, Slovakia, and others were being coaxed by the Austrian government.

The Austrian government had not yet initiated repression, but the Hungarian Republic had already lost a significant portion of its territory and continued to shrink. President Kossuth was extremely angry but powerless to stop it.

The fact has proven that bloodless revolutions are often incomplete. The newly formed Hungarian Republic is now plagued with internal conflicts and lacks the ability to deal firmly with regional governments.

Budapest.

Kossuth, the Prime Minister, passionately exclaimed in his speech, "Ladies and gentlemen, do you still harbor illusions about the Austrians? Wake up! The Austrian government will never easily grant us independence!

“In just a short span of two weeks, the great nation of Hungary has lost nearly six layers of territory. If this continues, it won't be long before Budapest changes hands once again.

“We have all experienced the Austrian government's treatment of the revolutionary parties. From Vienna to Italy, from Prague to Galicia, the enemy has wielded the butcher's knife and unleashed massacres.

“Do you believe that Hungary will be an exception? Once the revolution fails, all of us involved will either become exiled dogs or headless ghosts under the enemy's control!

“God, it is truly terrifying! I dare not even imagine the extent of damage it would inflict upon Hungary.”

… …

The people present had different expressions on their faces - some were excited, some were alarmed, and some were disdainful.

A representative of the nobility suddenly spoke up, interrupting, "Mr. Kossuth, everyone understands these grand principles. Let's hear something more practical!"

"We have experienced the threat posed by Austria firsthand, but what practical solution does mere discussion offer? Are we supposed to sit here and engage in empty rhetoric, expecting the problem to be solved?"

Certainly, one of the significant weaknesses of the Hungarian Republic is its lack of effective implementation. It is a common trait among republican nations to engage in constant bickering and disagreements.

Well, except perhaps Finland in later years, which could be seen as an exception. After a president's term expires, people seem to be too apathetic to bother with elections. If it weren't for constitutional restrictions, presidents could practically serve for a lifetime.

Currently, it seems that the Republic of Hungary has not reached its full potential. The level of awareness among its citizens is not very high. Since its inception, the republican government has been plagued by significant internal conflicts and contradictions.

Even now, there are still many people who oppose the separation from Austria. Despite the imminent conflict, they are reluctant to remove the crown of the Habsburg dynasty.

The revolutionary party led by Kossuth, lacking any governing experience, faced numerous issues as soon as they came to power. The chaotic political agenda was a major factor contributing to the deteriorating situation.

From the perspective of the Hungarian nation, Kossuth was a great defender of national interests. However, from the standpoint of other Hungarian minority groups, he was seen as an oppressor of their ethnic rights.

Under the influence of extreme nationalism, the Hungarian revolution from the very beginning found itself in opposition to the domestic minority groups, while the Austrian government portrayed itself as the protector of these minorities.

What's even more tragic is that during this era, the Hungarian nation was narrow-minded, segregating the numerous serfs, workers, and impoverished people from the hundreds of thousands of nobles, capitalists, and middle class.

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Regardless of how it is portrayed, the Hungarian Republic government has failed to consider the interests of the lower-class population. The highly concerning issue of serfdom has remained unresolved and neglected.

The laws of the republic are treated as toilet paper by the nobles and capitalists, while the weak republican government is powerless to stop it.

Speeches and inspiring people are Kossuth's strengths, but when it comes to concrete issues, things become troublesome. He went from being a critic to suddenly becoming a policy maker, and he has yet to fully adjust to this new role.

Furrowing his brow, Kossuth bravely spoke up, "Duke Leopold, the most important task now is to organize the army and suppress those rebel elements. We cannot allow this situation to continue deteriorating."

For the Hungarian Republic, it is indeed a betrayal that these regional governments have aligned themselves with Austria.

Unfortunately, they don't see it that way themselves. The majority of people consider the Hungarian Republic to be traitors, and they view their allegiance to the Austrian Emperor as the rightful path.

Duke Leopold sneered, "If that's the case, why doesn't the government deploy the troops sooner? If they had acted immediately, the situation wouldn't have deteriorated to this extent!"

As members of the high nobility, they have indeed suffered heavy losses. The Austrian government seized a significant amount of their land with a single stroke.

Behind the scenes, they have also had communication with the Austrian government. However, under Franz's leadership, the Cabinet strongly disapproved of their actions during the Hungarian rebellion and outright rejected their demands for property protection.

Without their landed estates, is there still a distinction between the high nobility and the minor nobility? It should be noted that their influence on the country is primarily built upon this land.

A major noble family, with control over tens of thousands or even millions of hectares of land and a large number of serfs, holds tremendous power. They have the capacity to assemble armies consisting of thousands or even tens of thousands of individuals at their disposal. This vast wealth and military force serve as the foundation of their authority and confidence.

At this moment, it is natural for Leopold to feel discontent towards the Kossuth government. If it weren't for this revolution, they would still be the privileged high-ranking nobility, untouched by the winds of change. Unlike the present situation, where they are constantly at risk of being knocked down.

Kossuth also has his subordinates, and at this moment, the Minister of War, Liszt, spoke up: "Your Grace, you should be aware that military preparations take time, and we must also consider the influence of the Austrian government. If we were to take military action without adequate preparation, it could potentially invite military strikes from Austria, and it would be difficult for us to achieve victory in a situation where we are caught off guard!"

His explanation was regarded with disdain by many, as the so-called military preparations remained only on paper until now. The revolutionary party also harbored distrust towards the nobility.

After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, Kossuth appointed a large number of "commoner generals."

Not all commoner generals were overlooked talents, but the majority of them indeed lacked sufficient capabilities. Their military knowledge and skills were not significantly better than those of the noble officers.

Such a situation cannot be resolved in a short period of time; leading troops into battle requires years of cultivation from an early age.

In Europe, only the noble aristocracy had a comprehensive system for military talent development, so until the 20th century, most renowned European generals came from noble families.

Under the Austrian System, the European continent enjoyed relative peace for several decades. Without actual combat experiences, even if there were exceptionally talented commoner generals, they lacked the opportunity to grow and flourish.

In Hungarian history, due to the lack of competent leaders, they sought the assistance of seasoned Polish commanders, which further deepened the divide between the Hungarian nobility and the republican government.

Even now, the Hungarian Republic refrains from taking military action. On one hand, they fear provoking the Austrian government, and on the other hand, there is a lack of trust between the revolutionary party and the aristocracy.

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