Chapter 105: End of the Rebellion
Howell, a conservative aristocrat, said angrily, “Kossuth, your explanation is not convincing, and similar incidents have occurred more than once. Why haven’t you restrained the National Guard you command?
Count István is your political opponent, and he also opposes Hungarian independence, but we cannot deny his greatness because of this. You should not cruelly kill him due to personal grievances.”
Bem immediately retorted, “No, you’re playing with fire and talking nonsense! Mr. Kossuth could never be a murderer!”
Schemir sneered, “General Bem, now Mr. Kossuth is the head of the government and the supreme commander of the National Guard. He has repeatedly obstructed the efforts to discipline the army. Shouldn’t he provide us with a reasonable explanation for what has happened?”
The National Guard has completely degenerated, its current state a shell of its former self. Incidents of rapes and crimes have become common, and internal management is in utter disarray. Mr. Kossuth, as its highest leader, cannot evade responsibility for this.
As for hindering the Ministry of War from enforcing military discipline, that was simply a power struggle. The revolutionary party doesn’t want to see the Ministry of War using this as an opportunity to intervene deeply within the National Guard.
However, now it has become the best excuse to attack them. Regardless of whether Count István’s death is related to Kossuth or not, he must be held responsible for it.
Pet?fi thought for a moment and said, “The most crucial thing right now is to apprehend the perpetrator. That missing company commander is the central figure in this incident, and it would be irresponsible to judge this event without capturing him beforehand!”
As he said this, there was a strong sense of concern in his eyes. There was no way around it; Kossuth’s integrity was questionable, and who knows if he really was involved in this matter?
Minister of War G?rgei scoffed, “However, at the very moment the crime occurred, the National Guard obstructed the police from apprehending the perpetrator.
Mr. Kossuth must take responsibility for this. Allowing the National Guard to run amok, acting independently of the law, unconstrained by it, is the primary factor behind this tragedy.
Until the truth is uncovered, it is advisable for the parties involved to avoid suspicion. I propose suspending Mr. Kossuth, Mr. Bem, and others from their positions within the National Guard!”
G?rgei had played a clever card by directly accusing the National Guard of releasing the culprit, effectively aiming to bring the National Guard under the command of the Ministry of War.
This move deeply wounded Kossuth’s supporters, and they found themselves unable to present a compelling counterargument. They couldn’t claim that they were all virtuous and wouldn’t obstruct the investigation, could they?
Cornered, Kossuth reluctantly stated, “Very well, I resign!”
It was an unavoidable choice. Opposition within the government had united against him, and even some of his closest allies were choosing silence. He was rapidly becoming isolated.
……
In a remarkable twist of history, Kossuth was still forced to step down under immense internal and external pressures, but this time, his fall from power was even more chaotic than it had been historically.
After Schemir and the opposition took power, their first action wasn’t to investigate the case but rather to promptly organize a breakout.
Their actions didn’t raise suspicions since Budapest was essentially a city under siege. Continuing to defend it meant certain death, and breaking out offered a glimmer of hope.
Outside the city, at the Austrian military headquarters.
“Commander, this is news from inside the city. The enemy is preparing for a breakout. This is their battle plan!” the operations officer whispered.
After receiving the intelligence, General Julius couldn’t help but smile. It was astonishing that there had been a change of power within the Hungarian Republic at this very moment, and the surrender faction had now openly taken control of the government.
Betraying one’s comrades needed skill. Simply announcing surrender wouldn’t work; the desperate revolutionaries had no way of agreeing to that.
However, even if the National Guard was a motley crew, they still had some fighting capability left to defend the city. Launching an offensive would only result in heavy casualties.
Under the pretext of a breakout, they could be sent to their deaths, achieving the same objective.
……
On June 12, 1848, the Hungarian National Guard in Budapest launched a breakout operation but was routed by the well-prepared Austrian forces.
Following the failed breakout, the Austrian Army pursued them back into the city. Under the leadership of Schemir, the Hungarian Republic surrendered to the Austrian Army.
Unwilling to accept defeat, the revolutionary forces, commanded by General Bem, stubbornly resisted in the southern part of the city. After two days of resistance, they were ultimately defeated.
As of June 15, the Hungarian rebellion, which had lasted for over two months, came to an end in Budapest.
The war was over, but the aftermath of the conflict was only just beginning. Budapest had suffered devastating blows during this rebellion, with one-third of the city’s buildings reduced to ruins and incalculable economic losses.
After reclaiming Budapest, General Julius had no time to celebrate; instead, he found himself facing new challenges.
Looking at the large number of captives in his hands, General Julius was deeply troubled. Massacre was not an option. There were around 150,000 people, including their families. How could he carry out such an atrocity?
Letting them go was also out of the question. For the long-term stability of Hungary, these potential threats had to be eliminated.
“Commander, how about using the pretext of a plague to…” suggested a young military officer who held strong animosity towards the revolution.
Julius shook his head and said, “No, we can’t do that. There are too many media outlets watching us closely. Taking the top leaders of the revolution out for public trial has already raised a lot of questions.
If we fabricate a plague, it’s likely to get exposed. We can’t actually create an epidemic, can we? That’s uncontrollable, and if it spreads, we won’t be able to contain it in time!”
Governor Josip Jela?i? suggested, “Actually, there’s no need for complete annihilation. We just need to purge the hardcore elements. The rest can be sentenced to ten or twenty years and put to hard labor for their redemption.
It is said that Vienna handled it that way during their revolt. We can follow suit. As long as these people are not released, the threat they pose will remain under control!”
Lieutenant General Julius hesitated for a moment, then issued the following order: “Execute all officers, government officials, those who have joined the revolutionary party, and intellectuals. Find excuses for those you can’t accuse directly and have the courts sentence them to death.
If that’s not possible, let the enraged refugees take matters into their own hands and kill them, or make sure they die of illness or commit suicide. The rest should be sentenced to hard labor.”
Upon hearing Lieutenant General Julius’ orders, the people’s faces turned pale. This meant that in the near future, tens of thousands of people would face execution.
However, no one voiced opposition. This was also in line with the intentions of the Austrian Government. Apart from those who cleverly sided with the Austrian Government in time, the rest were considered candidates for elimination.
The leaders of the revolutionary party, including Kossuth, had all been “eliminated” due to their “stubborn resistance” during the war. Even István Széchenyi, the Count involved in the earlier incident, had met his end during the conflict.
In an effort to win hearts and minds, Julius organized a funeral for Count István and presented a narrative that painted him as a leader of the Hungarian monarchists. He was portrayed as someone who had refused to compromise with the revolutionary party and had been cruelly killed by Kossuth.
It’s a sad truth that heroes to some can be seen as enemies to others.
Count István Széchenyi was not only a leading figure among the Hungarian monarchists but also a staunch Hungarian nationalist.
He laid the foundations for the establishment of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, including promoting the Hungarian language and culture. In the historical context of Hungary’s split and subsequent reunification, his efforts were inseparable from the nation’s resurgence.
However, his political ideas were in direct contradiction to the Austrian Government’s policies. Consequently, not only István Széchenyi but also many other prominent Hungarian figures met their end during this tumultuous period. Their differing visions for Hungary’s future made them targets for those in power.
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